Magnus Maximus

Shame, that one would have fit nicely in my collection as well.

Julian II ended up reversing Roman gains in Mesopotamia for 227 years. In addition, his taxation policy left the governments of Valens and Valentinian I, very crunched for money. Lastly, poor Valens had to clean up the mess in Armenia while sending troop detachments to his brother Valentinian I to shore up the western frontiers. While a capable Caesar he proved to be a poor Augustus, in my view. Still, Julian II produced some nice coins. Here is my latest: Julian II AR Siliqua Lugdunum mint A.D. 361-363 2.26 grams

Hi Theodosius, Yes, I think this is a standard Spanish earthen patina. You often see them on LRB's.

In the 1950s, as English historians leafed through centuries-old records, the 17th century stood out starkly. It was characterized by wars, famines, state failures, plagues, civil wars, climatic anomalies, and inflation. Eric Hobsbawm emerged as the pioneering voice, identifying a pattern in these events that spanned continents - from Europe to the New World, and from the Middle East to Asia. This period, now recognized by many as the "General Crisis," became the focal point for subsequent historical analyses. For Spain, this era was particularly tumultuous, with the pressures of the Price Revolution, economic instabilities, and the phenomenon of elite overproduction playing pivotal roles. Europe of the 1400s was different from that of the 1500s and 1600s. In the 1400s, silver was scarce, prices were stable, and the climate was relatively warm. The population was slowly recovering from the ravages of the Black Death from the preceding centuries. However, by the mid-1500s, the influx of vast quantities of silver from the Spanish colonies in the Americas began to reshape the continent's economic and political landscape. This led to the Price Revolution, a sharp, continent-wide inflation that was intertwined with broader societal shifts. The Price Revolution was more than just an economic event. Prices did surge, but the effects permeated all layers of society. Spanish nobility, initially elated with the newfound wealth, soon saw their assets devalue. Economic instability grew. It was further intensified by the increasing numbers of elites—thanks to the monarchy's policy of selling titles. This created a fierce competition for limited resources and political influence. The Spanish Crown, essentially the Hapsburg Empire, tapped into the wealth from the mines of Potosi and Mexico. They used this to finance religious wars and territorial expansions against adversaries like France, the Ottoman Empire, and Protestant states within the Holy Roman Empire. With escalating costs to sustain armies, construct fortifications, and secure alliances, Spain's economic position became vulnerable. The steady influx of silver, although initially beneficial, eventually became a liability. It was not rare for the silver from the New World to be directly shipped to the Genoese bankers serving the Hapsburg Crown. Spain's reliance on Italian banking houses for credit grew over time. Recognizing Spain's precarious financial state, the Genoese began hiking interest rates, sometimes exceeding 43% by the 1600s. Spain's default on its debts in 1557 was a significant blow to the Genoese bankers, who heavily invested in Spanish debt. This default initiated a domino effect of financial distress among these banking institutions, leading to a widespread European credit crisis. The resulting economic downturn wasn't confined to Spain and Genoa; it impacted trade and commerce across Europe. For the average European, life deteriorated. The influx of silver bullion led to inflation, making imports affordable but exports pricier, causing trade imbalances. Spain's economy leaned heavily on its colonies for wealth and on foreign nations for imports. This caused a neglect of domestic industries. An over-dependence on colonial resources, along with war expenditures, rendered the empire susceptible to external disruptions. With inflation on the rise, commoners struggled to meet basic needs, and rural communities faced declining earnings. Urban migration surged, leading to congested cities, job scarcity, and rising food prices. Cities became centers of discontent, witnessing sporadic revolts and rebellions. Spain's vast colonial empire became a bone of contention among other European powers. Colonial wars ensued, further depleting the empire's resources. By the end of the 17th century, the empire, despite its enormous territories, showed signs of overstretch and financial stress. Adding to these issues was the "Little Ice Age" of the 1600s. Europe faced colder temperatures, leading to famines which further strained the already volatile socio-economic structures, with Spain, France, and Germany suffering considerably. In conclusion, the 17th century presented Spain with a convergence of external and internal pressures. Economic challenges like the Price Revolution, environmental factors like climate change, and the difficulties of managing a global empire intensified internal dynamics, such as elite overproduction. Collectively, these pressures shaped Spain's trajectory for centuries. I've long been fascinated by this historical period, and I've recently delved into collecting coins from that era. My latest acquisition is a beautiful 8 maravedis coin minted during the reign of Philip III of Spain. Although Philip III inherited an overextended and financially strained empire, he unfortunately took a hands-off approach to governance. This lack of active leadership only deepened Spain's crisis during his reign. On the bright side, his reign produced an abundance of coins, making it a treasure trove for collectors like us! Spain 8 Maravedis 1599 Obverse: PHILIPPVS · III · D · G VIII Reverse: HISPANIARVM · REX 1599 A map of the Hapsburg Empire or Empire of Charles V. Spain and the New World colonies would often subsidize the remainder of the territories. Armor of Philip III of Spain. Probably the most terrifying armor I've ever seen. Sources: Elliott, J. H. (1961). Imperial Spain: 1469-1716. Turchin, P. (2006). War and Peace and War: The Life Cycles of Imperial Nations.

Not really, he reigned while and fought a lot of wars, so he consequently minted a lot of coins. I guess that there aren't many on the market at the moment.

@seth77 @Ancient Coin Hunter@Steppenfool My personal religious bias aside, I’d rank Constantius II very high. The fact he was able to hold Shapur II( one of the greatest Persian Shah’s) at bay for 23 years, all while defeating a usurper in the west, and holding down the “middle empire”, easily puts him in the “great” category for me. Pity that his successor was wholly inferior to him. Some of my favorite Siliquae of Constantius II:

And the coin in-hand

The seller mis-attributed the coin. Siliqua post-355 weigh roughly 2.25 grams. This denomination is retroactively called an argenteus, but is essentially a return to the pre-reform siliqua weight standard. As stated earlier, this was likely due to the demand for bullion for the donatives for the troops.

I always liked the style of siliqua from the mint at Rome during Valentinian’s reign. One of my examples:

The man known to us as Emperor Flavius Valentinian I was born in AD 321 in the Roman border province of Pannonia to Gratian the Elder and an unnamed wife. Valentinian's family was originally from the lower classes; however, they flourished during the reign of Constantine I, and by the time of Valentinian's birth, the family was firmly established in the upper echelons of the Roman military aristocracy. Valentinian and his brother Valens followed their father on military tours of Africa and Britain in the 330s and 340s. By the time of the bloody civil war between Magnus Magnentius and Constantius II in 351, Valentinian I was in Pannonia. However, the extent of his service to either Magnentius or Constantius II is unknown. Though that didn't stop the family's estates from being confiscated in the wake of reprisals after Magnentius's defeat and death in 353. Despite these setbacks, Valentinian I seems to have managed quite well. He next appeared in Gaul in 355, where he and a subordinate were wrongly blamed for a military setback and cashiered from the army. After his military career ended in failure, Valentinian I set about starting a family on his estate near Sirmium with his wife: a son named Gratian was born in 359. Valentinian I was back in military service by the early part of Julian II's reign, though the two men did not get along well, with the most contentious issue being the religious differences between the two. The tense relationship between Julian and Valentinian unexpectedly proved advantageous for the latter's career. Fortuitously, Valentinian was not present during the calamitous Persian campaign of 363, sparing him from the associated disaster. Conveniently positioned in nearby Ancyra when Emperor Jovian passed away in 364, Valentinian emerged as a likely successor. After much deliberation, Valentinian I was cloaked in a purple garb and held up on a shield by the soldiers. However, when he went to make a speech to the soldiers, they drowned him out by demanding he appoint a co-emperor to spare the Empire from more turmoil. Valentinian acquiesced and appointed his younger brother Valens as Emperor of the eastern dioceses. While it is not often discussed by historians, Valentinian I and Valens were dealt a poor hand by the out-of-touch rule of Julian II and the brief rule of Jovian. The empire was essentially bankrupt due to the fiscal policies of Julian II, facing a resurgent Alamanni threat in the West—also due to Julian II—and cash strapped by the need to pay the donative for their reigns along with Jovian's. In addition, in 365 the Mediterranean would be subject to a massive earthquake that caused a tsunami that caused major damage to coastal cities in the Eastern Roman Empire. Valentinian and Valens divided up the empire in mid-364 and would essentially rule separate empires for the remainder of their lives. Though Valentinian would be seen as the senior Augustus and would often order Valens to send field army units from the east to shore up his western frontier against the Alamanni. Despite their turbulent beginnings, both emperors managed to reign in their respective territories successfully, navigating through various military and political challenges to restore the stability and integrity of the Roman Empire during the remainder of the 360s and early 370s. My latest coin comes from the early months of the reign of Emperor Valentinian I when he and Valens were likely trying to undo the damage the last two Emperors had caused. This coin was likely used to pay enormous donatives to the army that the fraternal Emperors owed to them, and was struck at the old pre-reform Constantinian standard of 144 coins to a Roman pound. ROMAN EMPIRE, Valentinian I, 364-378, AR Siliqua (364-367), Constantinople. Bust with rosette diadem right. Reverse: VOT/V within a wreath. 2.96g. Rare, very fine to extremely fine. RIC 11g A damaged bust of Valentinian I A map of the Roman world circa AD 364. Courtesy of OmniAtlas.

Nice pick up

Yes, he likely was younger than 10 years old by the time he died.

Flavius Victor, son of Magnus Maximus and his wife (Helena?), was born before his father's claim to the purple in A.D. 383. Magnus Maximus, who lacked Flavius as a praenomen, seems to have risen from the lower classes. However, by the time Victor was born, Maximus was a high-ranking general in the Western Roman army, hence the name "Flavius" Victor for his son. The precise date of Victor's elevation to Augustus by his father is unknown, but it is likely that Maximus elevated his son in 387, as most of Victor's coins were manufactured in Italy, and he is not mentioned in any imperial capacity from 383 to early 387. It is also likely that Maximus left his son in Trier with the generals Nanninus and Quintinus, along with a small contingent of crack troops from the Ioviani legion, to ensure that his flank was shored up and an imperial presence was left on the volatile Rhine frontier. This decision proved to be a smart move, as around the time of Maximus's defeat by Theodosius I at the Battle of the Sava River in late 388, the Franks, under a warlord named Marcomer, began a series of raids on the northern Rhine frontier. Roman forces were able to kill a number of the raiders before they crossed the Rhine, but the Roman forces endured heavy casualties after they tried to pursue the Franks across the river. After Maximus's death in August of 388, an army led by Theodosius's general, Arborgast, arrived at Trier. The city surrendered without a fight, and Flavius Victor was subsequently strangled to death. Victor was the last Roman emperor to base his headquarters at Trier. Flavius Victor, 387-388. AR-Siliqua, Aquileia; 1.2 g. Draped bust to the right with a pearl diadem//Victoria walking to the left with a wreath and palm branch. Paolucci/Zub 802; RIC 53 b. Fine toning, small scratches very fine.

Very nice coins. Here is my humble example. I tend to rank Constantine I very high due to a myriad of factors. One being that I don’t think he ever lost a battle. This alone places him on the “best Roman generals” list.

I also would be remiss to not post this coin set of Emperors Magnus Maximus, Valentinian II, and Theodosius I.

Thanks, TC! Here is one of my favorite picture of 4 portraits of the same man!

Sources from the 4th-century Roman Empire are scarce, and first-hand documents from the time are nearly nonexistent. It is rare for us to have direct quotes from many of the Emperors of this period. This is why I had to investigate when I heard that two letters of Magnus Maximus had been preserved in a Church codex. The Letters are the 39th, and 40th letters of the codex called the Collectio Avellana. The first letter, 39, seems to have been modified slightly based on its title reading "LETTER OF THE TYRANT MAXIMUS TO VALENTINIAN THE YOUNGER, AGAINST THE ARIANS AND THE MANICHEANS." A Roman Emperor would never address himself or his college as a "tyrant," so the title was likely changed after Maximus's defeat in 388. Letter 39 likely dates to A.D. 386 and has Maximus discussing with Emperor Valentinian II the conflicts that arose in Milan between the Arian and Nicene Christians. It should be known that by the time the letter reached the Court of Valentinian at Milian, the actual conflict between the factions of Christians would have been resolved. The letter was likely intended to bolster Maximus's support of the Nicene Christians in Italy against the Arian-dominated court of Valentinian II. My main takeaway from reading this letter is that Maximus was a sly politician who knew how to exploit division in Valentinian's court. Maximus likey saw Valentinian II for what he was; a 14-year-old boy who a barbarian general, Flavius Bauto, was propping up and who was under the thumb of an Arian mother. To a military man whose career spanned back at least to the 360s, this situation was seen as intolerable. Letter 40 dates to 384-386 and likely is preserved in its entirety. Maximus here is addressing himself to Pope Sircius as "Victor Magnus Maximus Perpetuus Triumphator Augustus." The letter gives us an exciting snapshot of the developments of the Roman state and Church during this period. What stands out to me is how Christianity had ingrained itself in the Empire relatively quickly. Maximus himself states, "I confess that the more that I experience the special verdict from the divinity in my favour, the greater concern I have for this faith. For indeed I have ascended to imperial rule directly from the font of salvation itself, and God has been with me as my patron in all my undertakings and successes and thinks it fitting to be today and, I hope, in perpetuity my protector and guardian, my dearest father." Maximus was born in the early to mid 330s when about 40% of the Empire was of the Christian faith, and by the time this letter had been composed, the number was likely approaching 90%. The logarithmic increase in Christianity within the Empire was an organic process that could not be reversed once it started. Maximus ends letter 40 with "AND BY THE HAND OF THE EMPEROR: May the Divinity keep you safe for many years," which I find fascinating as it likely means that the Emperor himself signed this document before it was sent to Pope Sircius. The fact that we have two documents from a defeated Emperor is a miracle in and of itself, as most men who lost civil wars usually had their memories censured and letters destroyed. However, from these letters and other scattered commentaries, we can tell that Maximus was talked fondly of by many writers, even after his defeat and death in 388 at the hands of Theodosius I. Despite being a defeated Emperor, Maximus was still spoken of fondly by many writers, even after his death in 388 at the hands of Theodosius I. Dr. Adrastos Omissi of the University of Glasgow has written an excellent paper on the subject of the two letters, which includes the English translations of the letters and his commentary. In his paper, he notes that: "Sulpicius Severus' accounts are not so much their historical detail as the generally positive assessment they provide of Maximus' character. He writes in the Dialogi that, 'The emperor Maximus then ruled the state, a man whose whole life was worthy of praise, if only he had been permitted to refuse the diadem illegitimately thrust upon him by the tumultuous soldiery, or to avoid civil war.' Notably, Sulpicius' very next sentence, in many ways, exculpates Maximus for his crimes, for, 'a great Empire cannot be refused without danger, nor preserved without recourse to arms', and he stresses that Maximus routinely summoned Sulpicius' hero, Martin of Tours, to the court at Trier and discoursed with him on pious subjects, whilst Maximus' wife—concerning whom Sulpicius cannot contain his acclamation 'blessed woman!' (beata mulier) —waited personally on the saint at his table and washed his feet with her tears." Additionally, Orosius, a firm Theodosian partisan, admits that Maximus was "an active and honest man, worthy of the name of Augustus had he not taken that title as a tyrant against the bonds of faith" (Oros. 7.34.9). It is highly unusual for a defeated usurper to be remembered as a ruler possessed of good qualities, but a memory of Maximus as such appears to have been preserved in the written record in Rome, Spain, Gaul, and perhaps even in the East in the decades immediately following his downfall. In conclusion, the two letters preserved in the Collectio Avellana provide valuable insights into the political and religious climate of the late Roman Empire. While sources from this period are scarce, these letters demonstrate Maximus's political acumen and his support of the Nicene Christians in Italy against the Arian-dominated court of Valentinian II. The letters also highlight the rapid spread of Christianity within the Empire during this period, with Maximus himself acknowledging the faith's importance in his life. Despite his defeat, Maximus was remembered by some writers as a ruler possessed of good qualities, a very unusual thing to happen. Maximus seemed to have given the populace of the Western Empire what they needed most at the time, stability and a sense of hope. Despite the contested nature of his ascension to the throne, Maximus was able to maintain a relatively stable period of rule in the Western Empire, which had been in a state of turmoil for some time. His reputation as a just and pious ruler earned him the admiration of many, and he was able to effectively utilize his Christian faith to gain support from the populace. Although his reign was relatively short-lived, lasting only a few years, Maximus left a lasting impact on the Empire, and his legacy continued to be remembered and celebrated long after his death. My most recent coin is a siliqua of Magnus Maximus struck at Trier from 383-388. The coin has a rather serious portrait of the Emperor on it, which contrasts with some other coin portraits I have of him. Magnus Maximus AR Siliqua Trier Mint A.D. 383-388 2.00 grams A map of the Roman world at the time the letters were written. Sources: 263793.pdf (gla.ac.uk) Peace of Acilisene | Historical Atlas of Europe (early 387) | Omniatlas

Victor Magnus Maximus Perpetuus Triumphator Semper Augustus. Born from a humble family in Gallecia on the estates of Count Theodosius in the 330’s, Maximus joined the Roman army and was a a junior officer in the Western Roman Army during the reign of Valentinian I. By 368, Maximus was attached to the command of Count Theodosius, in an attempt to retake Britain from the “Great Conspiracy.” After their successes in Britain, Maximus and Count Theodosius were deployed to Africa to put down the revolt of Firmus. Maximus personally worked with the Romano-Moor, Gildo, to help rout out corruption in the diocese that had led to the revolt. When Count Theodosius was executed in Carthage in 376, Maximus would have still been present in the diocese. The death of his patron did not halt Maximus’s rise through the ranks however, and by 380 Maximus was leading a field army in Britain. In 381/2, Maximus defeated a large incursion of Picts and Scots near Hadrian’s wall. By autumn of 383 Maximus was declared Emperor by the soldiers in Britain and marched against the Western Emperor, Gratian and into annals of history.

In 367, Emperors Valentinian I and Valens decided to scrap the Billon coinage for lower value coins. Instead, all lower denominations would be coined from base metal, while the saved silver would be used to increase the purity of the principal silver coin of the period, the siliqua. As Kenneth Harl notes in his book “Coinage of the Roman Empire 300 B.C to 700 A.D, it is ironic that the bronze coinage of the 3rd century was driven out by billion coinage, and that by the 4th century bronze coinage had driven out billon coinage. The mint mark on my coin is mostly off the flan but I believe the coin is from Aquileia judging by the style of the portrait. Please post your AE-3/centenionalii coins! The coin in hand. The dealers photo.

A fistful of siliquae of Magnus Maximus

I approve of this thread. 😁

Hello Everyone, Some friends and I are putting togther a discord server for coin collectors of all specialties. In addition, there will be giveaways once the server reaches a certain number of members. Feel free to join and tell them that Magnus Maximus sent you! https://discord.gg/DmrcXAPC By joining you will have a chance to win some of these items offered.

I believe the denomination is called a decargyrus. Here are some of mine from Theodosius I:

Four Siliquae of Magnus Maximus. Struck at trier circa A.D. 383-388.